The Sphinx, Vol. 14, No. 212

              February 23 1907.
THE SPHINX.
9
Government was desirous of withdrawing it as soon as the State of the country and the organization of the means for maintaining the authority | of the Khedive permitted, and, he went on to say,: that the position in which her Majesty’s Government is placed towards his Highness imposes | upon them the duty of giving advice with the ob-! ject of securing that the order of thing to be established shall be of a satisfactory character and possess the elements of stability and progress j Thus were the lines laid down on which British policy in Egypt was to be carried out, and on these lines it has been Lord Cromer’s part to act ■during the many years he has filled his important position. The beginning of the work Lord Cromer has carried out was laid down by Lord Dufferin when he went to Cairo early in November 1882. Having done much to restore order he proceeded to lay down the general lines onj which Egypt would prosper and gradually attain the power of self-government. During his short stay in the country a beginning was made in the reconstruction of the Army, the Civil and Crim- j inal Codes were completed, the Irrigation department was put into the hands of Indian experts, and-a modest schemei of representative institutions was originated. There was real progress, and an appearance of progress greater, perhaps, than the reality.
When Lord Cromer returned to Egypt in 1883 j to begin his arduous task he was faced by four questions of supreme importance and difficulty. First he found the country on the verge of bankruptcy, a result of the follies and extravagance of Ismail. Secondly, the machinery of government was out of gear, the prestige and authority of the Khedive were endangered, the native tribunals inaugurated by Lord Dufferin were new to their work, and the country was suffering from the paralysis of the old and the inexperience of the new authority.
The International System which restricted the powers of the Egyptian Government over resident foreigners within very narrow limits constituted a third serious difficulty, and, perhaps worst of all, the Dervish rising in the Soudan, where the Mahdi, by his defeat of General Hicks’s army had become for the time master of that; province, was yet another addition to the perplexing difficulties which faced the British Consul-General a month or two after he took office. Matters thus, already difficult enough, were complicated by the irregularity of thei British position in the country, and the provisional nature J of the occupation. In consequence, efforts to j introduce serious reforms were to some extent paralysed, and were, in a sense, hand to mouth in character, and it was not till 1888, when it became clear that the British occupation could not be precipitately withdrawn, that these disturbing influences ceased appreciably to affect the situation. The attitude of the British government and people, and the scarcely veiled jealousy and hostility of the European powers also helped to make the situation an embarrassing one. But the selection of Lord Cromer was one bright spot in a somewhat gloomy outlook, and whatever view may be taken of the work done in Egypt there can be no difference of opinion among level-minded and well-informed persons as to the man
who was chosen to do that work. His selection was a fortunate one for Egypt and its prospects of taking the place it might reasonably aspire to among the countries of the world. Britain has been fortunate in finding in the hour of need men well qualified for any task of peculiar difficulty, requiring special qualities for the adequate performance of important duties. In the case of Egypt it not only found the right man but, no doubt, in part as the result of the indifference of the British people and the dislike of the British Government to the occupation of the country, it gave him practically a free hand, and no wiser course could have been pursued. His position was due to his possession of qualities which are among the most valuable characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon race. Strength of will, absolute straightforwardness, sound judgment, patience to wait for the fitting moment to do what is right, absolute honesty of purpose, indifference to hostile criticism, knowledge of men enabling him to choose the most fitting agents for the work that had to be done and to get out of them the best they could give—these were some of the qualities that so well fitted Lord Cromer tor the post he holds. In the words of Lord Milner, “The stars were indeed gracious when, at the beginning of our greatest troubles, it oc-cured to the British Government to entrust the conduct of its policy to the hands of Sir Evelyn Baring.”
But Lord Cromer is not without his advantages. Egypt has a fertile soil and an industrious population, the finest agricultural labourers in the world. The fields required water, the fellah encouragement to work, and both of these have been provided. And there was no opposition from them to British guidance. The people had been long accustomed to alien domination, and the mere substitution of one set of foreign advisers for another was to them of little moment. The religious question might have been a difficulty and that required and received careful handling. When it was found that there was no intention to interfere with religious matters, the risk of serious trouble disappeared. And in this the Khedive Tewfik, by his cordial co-operation, gave material help.
The first matter which required attention after Lord Cromer assumed office was the financial condition of the country. Economy was strictly enforced, though that did not prevent a judicious expenditure on the irrigation service which is essential to the material development of the country. By 1889 the solvency of Egypt was assured, and the question arose—how is the new prosperity of the country to be utilised ? Was taxation to be reduced or were reforms to be pressed, even though they involved increased expenditure ? The first alternative was adopted. Unsound and burdensome taxation was remitted, direct taxation was reduced by at least one million yearly, the salt tax was lessoned by 40 per cent, postal and telegraph duties by 50 per cent, octroi duties abolished in small towns, and railway rates largely reduced. Though extensive and not materially productive reforms were postponed, other branches of administration were attended to. Ministries of Justice and of the Interior were established, the police and pro-
vincial magistrates were amalgamated under the Minister of the Interior, dualism was abolished and the co-operation of the services in the maintenance of law and order was secured.The sanitary condition of the country was improved and its native civil service regulated.
The reduction of taxation and the increased material prosperity of the country were followed by the accumulation of surpluses which could be used for more rapid progress in administrative reforms. Education was not neglected but was slowly improved, existing private schools in villages being utilised and helped by Goverment grants, and, by the abolition of some taxes and the agreement of the powers that their people should pay others, the international difficulties were greatly lessened, and, finally, as a result of the Anglo-French agreement and the adhesion to it of the other powers the international control over finance was ended and the British position in the country regularised. Among the many good works that have been done .in Egypt, the formation of the Assouan Reservoir and the construction of the most important system of irrigation ever devised, which cannot fail to exercise an enormous influence on the material prospects of the country, must not be forgotten. Nor should the formation of an Agricultural Bank with its loans at small interest, and with Government guarantee, to the fellaheen be overlooked. This latter development has been of enormous advantage to the fellah and has rescued him from the clutches of the town and village usurer.
Such are some of the advantages that have sprung from the British Occupation and the wise advice and guidance of Lord Cromer. But his task and that of Britain is not ended. Much remains to be done and the time has not yet arrived when Egypt can be left unaided to work out its own salvation. The question of the future is— how is the preservation of all that has been gained by the British occupation to be reconciled with due consideration for all that is best in the national spirit that seems to be springing up ? The answer to that question and the solution of that difficulty may well be left in the hands of Egypt itself guided, as she no doubt will continue to be, by the wise counsels of the man who has so long been her trusted friend. But, that this much-to-be-desired result may be quickly and safely arrived at with the least possible friction and the least risk, it is devoutly to be hoped that the free hand which has been so long given to Lord Cromer will continue to be allowed him, and, that, unfettered by the well-meaning but ignorant and ill-advised interference of half-in-formed critics in the British House ot Commons, who appear to think that a few weeks, residence in Cairo or that dangerous little knowledge gained at second hand by the skimming of books and partisan newspapers, enable them to understand and appreciate the many difficult problems that have to be dealt with, and the peculiar habits and intellectual traits of a people with whom they are unfamiliar, he will be permitted to follow, with the same unfaltering desire for Egypt’s good that has always characterised him, the course that his matured and well-informed judgment tells him to be the right one and the best.
G.I.S.
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